The
Nameless War
CHAPTER 10
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S ROLE
In
my Statement to the Speaker and Members of
the House of Commons concerning my detention
(see Appendix 1) I summed up at the end of
Part 1, the considerations which led me to
inspect the secret U.S. Embassy papers at
Mr. Tyler Kent's flat in the last weeks of
Mr. Chamberlain's Premiership.
The
first two of these six considerations were
as follows:
Together
with many members of both Houses of
Parliament, I was fully aware that among the
agencies both here and abroad, which had
been actively engaged in promoting bad
feeling between Great Britain and Germany,
organised Jewry, for obvious reasons, had
played a leading part.
I
knew the U.S.A. to be the headquarters of
Jewry, and therefore the real, though not
apparent, centre of their activities. It was
not until 1948 that corroborative evidence
of the foregoing from unimpeachable American
sources came into my hands; but when it did
come, however, the authentic and fully
documented character of the work left
nothing to be desired.
I
refer to the book by Professor Charles Beard
entitled President Roosevelt and the
Coming of the War 1941, which was
published by the Yale University Press in
April 1948. This book, which comes with all
the authority of its eminent author, is
nothing less than a tremendous indictment of
President Roosevelt on three main issues.
Firstly,
that he got himself elected on the strength
of repeated promises, to the effect that he
would keep the U.S.A. out of any European
war; secondly, that he incessantly and
flagrantly disregarded not only his promises
to the American people, but all the
laws of neutrality; thirdly, that at a
predetermined moment he deliberately
converted this cold war, which he had been
conducting, into a shooting war, by sending
the Japanese an
ultimatum, which no one could imagine
could result in anything but immediate war.
From
many instances given relating to the first
issue, I quote one:
"At Boston on October
30th, 1940, he (F.D.R.) was even more
emphatic, for there he declared:
'I have said this
before, but I shall say it again and
again and again:
Your boys are not
going to be sent into any foreign
wars';
and on December 29th:
'You can therefore
nail any talk about sending armies
to Europe as deliberate untruth'."
Professor Beard goes on
to prove that while Mr. Roosevelt was making
these speeches, he was treating
international laws of neutrality with total
disregard, and in the interests only of
those who were fighting the Jews' battles.
The two main forms of non-shooting
intervention were the convoying of U.S.
ships of ammunition and supplies for the
allies, and the Lend Lease Act.
Whatever
be our sentiments in appreciating the help
of the U.S. arsenals and navy under these
two cold war decisions of Mr. Roosevelt, no
one can pretend that they were either in
accordance with his pledges to the American
people, or the fundamentals of international
law regarding neutrality.
Some
very plain speaking went on in Congress over
these acts of the President's.
Representative U. Burdick, of North Dakota,
said:
"All our aid to Britain
may mean anything . . . To sell her
supplies is one thing . . . to sell her
supplies and convoy them is another
thing, to have actual war is the last
thing -- the last thing is inevitable
from the first thing!"
Representative Hugh Paterson,
of Georgia, said:
"It is a measure of
aggressive war."
Representative Dewey Short,
of Missouri, said:
"You cannot be half-way
in war, and half-way out of war . . .
You can dress this measure up all you
please (Lend-Lease), you can sprinkle it
with perfume and pour powder on it . . .
but it is still foul and stinks to high
heaven."
Representative Philip
Bennett, of Missouri, declared:
"This conclusion is
inescapable, that the President is
reconciled to active military
intervention if such intervention is
needed to defeat the Axis in this war.
But our boys are not
going to be sent abroad, says the
President.
Nonsense, Mr Chairman;
even now their berths are being built in
our transport ships. Even now the tags
for identification of the dead and
wounded are being printed by the firm of
William C. Ballantyne and Co., of
Washington."
Professor
Beard proves the third point at great
length, showing how at the appropriate
moment President Roosevelt forced the
Japanese into war by an ultimatum demanding
instant compliance with terms, which could
never have been accepted by any country.
"The memorandum which
Senator Hull, with the approval of
President Roosevelt, handed to Japan on
26th November, 1941 . . . amounted to
the maximum terms of an American policy
for the whole Orient."
writes Professor Beard, and
goes on to say:
"It required no profound
knowledge of Japanese history,
institutions, and psychology to warrant
. . . first that no Japanese Cabinet
'liberal or reactionary,' could have
accepted the provisions."
and again later:
"The Japanese agent
regarded the American memorandum as a
kind of ultimatum. This much at least
Secretary Hull knew on November 26th."
Thus was the period of
maximum intervention short of a shooting war
terminated, and a save-face forged for
Roosevelt to ship U.S. boys overseas without
apparently breaking the spirit of his many
promises.
As the war proceeded the
real policy and sympathies of the President
became more and more apparent. His deception
of the British and their Allies was no less
flagrant than his deception of the American
people.
As Professor Beard points out
on page 576:-
"The noble principles of
the Four Freedoms, and the Atlantic
Charter were for practical purposes
discarded in the settlements, which
accompanied the progress and followed
the conclusion of the war.
To the validity of this
statement the treatment of the people of
Esthonia, Lithuania, Poland, Roumania,
Yugoslavia, China, Indo-China,
Indonesia, Italy, Germany and other
places of the earth bear witness."
Some great driving force
was clearly at work to induce a President of
the United States so to act.
We
have seen from a previous chapter that it
was not the preservation of the British
Empire, nor the French Empire, nor the
Dutch, that swayed the President. On the
contrary, he had advised his ardent
lieutenant, Mr. Churchill, at an early stage
in the cold war that these must be
liquidated.
It was not Europe, nor
the countries of Europe, nor their
liberties, nor rights under the Atlantic
Charter of Four Freedoms which weighed with
him.
We know now that the
British and American armies were actually
halted by General Ike Eisenhower under Mr.
Roosevelt's rulings at the Yalta Conference,
so that the Red Army of Jewish Bolshevism
might overflow half Europe and occupy
Berlin.
To quote again from
Professor Beard:
"As a consequence of the
war called necessary to overthrow
Hitler's despotism,' another despotism
was raised to a higher pitch of power."
In
conclusion, Professor Beard condenses the
many indictments of the President set forth
in his book, into 12 major counts, and
declares:
"If these precedents are
to stand unimpeached, and to provide
sanctions for the continued conduct of
America affairs -- the Constitution may
be nullified by the President and
officers who have taken the oath and are
under moral obligation to uphold it.
For limited Government
under supreme law they may substitute
personal and arbitrary government -- the
first principle of the totalitarian
system against which it has been alleged
that World War II was waged-while giving
lip service to the principle of
constitutional government."
When
we reflect upon the astounding contents of
Professor Beard's book, and consider them in
conjunction with the revelations in Colonel
Roosevelt's As He Saw It, the
question arises: whom, and which interests
did President Roosevelt not betray.
To this query I can only
see one answer, namely, those people and
their interests who planned from the start
the use of United States arsenals and Forces
to prosecute a war which would annihilate a
Europe which had freed itself from Jewish
gold and revolutionary control: people
who planned to dissolve the British Empire,
to forge chains of unrepayable debt,
wherewith to coerce Britain to this end; and
to enable the Soviets to "bestride Europe
like a colossus,"* in other words,
International Jewry.
*These
very words were used by General Smuts, who
added words to the effect that he welcomed
such a prospect. It should be remembered
that General Smuts was formerly chief legal
adviser to the Zionist Organisation in S.
Africa.
Next
- Chapter 11
.FORBIDDEN TRUTH - HITLER DID NOT START
WORLD WAR 2.
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