DID YOU KNOW?
No
29
(Christopher Story of International
Currency Review)
NAZI PENETRATION OF GERMANY'S POST
WAR STRUCTURES
As soon as the western powers had
conceded that the policy of allowing
Germany to putrefy, favoured initially
by the Allies, was to be abandoned,
the Nazi geopoliticians based in
Madrid flooded back to Germany and
quickly succeeded in establishing
closest possible links with their
former friends in the Berlin
official structures, with leading
journalists and officials who had
served in Dr Goebells' propaganda
organisation, and with diplomats
from Ribbentrop's Foreign Office who
were collectively to shape Bonn's
foreign policy under Dr Adenauer.
It was during a debate in the Bonn
Parliament on 16th October 1951,
that Dr Adenauer admitted that
134
former Nazis who had once served in
Ribbentrop's Foreign Office,
were already occupying high
positions within the Bonn
Government's Foreign Service.
Other well-known Nazis and
geopolitical planners acquired
senior positions on leading German
newspapers and magazines.
A steady steam of information and
propaganda instructions flowed
between the Madrid Nazi Geopolitical
Centre and its collaborators in West
Germany and vice versa.
These instructions were summarised
in general terms and in just a few
sentences by the
'Madrid Circular',
as follows:
'It must be our supreme duty to
place ourselves in the vanguard of
the struggle to keep Europe out of
any future war. If we succeed
in this, we will surely gain the
trust of the people and
undisputed
leadership in Europe,
not
excluding
Britain. In
such a roundabout way we would
be able to establish the foundation
for future world leadership'.
There was, in truth, remarkably
little material difference between
the way the Nazi strategists thought
and operated, and the modus operandi
of their original mentors, the
leninist stra
'The countries participating in
the Marshall Plan have a total
population of more than two hundred
millions and there is a high level
of education and culture. That
population is greater than the
entire population of Soviet Russia
or in the United States'
'these two hundred million or
more people have, in Europe and in
their African colonial possessions,
a great part of the world's natural
resources. Coal, iron, copper,
potash, phosphate, uranium, are only
a few of the many mineral resources
found in greatest richness within in
this Western-controlled area, a
natural wealth that cannot be
matched either in the Soviet Union,
or in the United States.
This book does not seek to unravel
the mysteries of American
policymaking confusion, or to
measure its currents and
countercurrents in the immediate
postwar years. If a fear of
such a united European bloc had been
real, American interests would have
been best served by fostering the
maintenance of the historic national
divisions in Europe, rather than by
encouraging, and seeking to
accelerate, through such means as
COVERT CIA FUNDING
of the European Movement
(established as an instrument of the
revolution developed mainly as a
result of manoeuvring by the late Dr
Joseph Rettinger [a member of the
BILDERBERGERS] a itinerant pole
based in London, who was an agent of
the COMINTERN -the process of
EUROPEAN UNIFICATION
which American observers are only
now starting to recognise as a
PROSPECTIVE THREAT.
The fashion for regionalism at the
State department and in the
mainstream U.S. media following the
Second World War was fed by a U.S.
fear of nationalism which, for
American policymakers, meant NAZISM.
Thus, in a report, the United States
High Commissioner in Germany wrote
in December 1951 concerning the
re-emergence of
GERMAN NATIONALISM:
'Unhappily, most of the
established political parties have
been stoking the merchandise of
nationalism. Even some federal
Ministers have not been above such
actions.'
Whether the U.S. official had put
two and two together, to conclude
that it was
the continuing Nazis
who were fostering this tendency,
was not made clear. On 1st November
1951, a pro-Adenauer weekly
'Christ und Welt'
by this time the leading
geopolitical mouthpiece in western
Germany, expounded the thesis that
Dr Adenauer's policy aimed at a
creation of a strong Germany as the
main 'pillar' in a United Europe. A
few weeks later-on 27th December,
1951, 'Christ und Welt' pictured a
strong West Germany which could
make, in the name of a United
Europe, an offer to the Kremlin.
For 'without the consent of the
Russians', asserted frankfurter
Algemeine Zeitung on 6th November,
1951,
'the reunification of Germany is
impossible'.
Hence the postwar division of
Germany proved to be the ultimate
Leninist dialectical ploy which the
Soviets would exploit to try to
ensure that Germany's long-term
geopolitical alignment would have to
be fundamentally centred on Moscow.
the editorial stressed that Germans
and Russians would have to live
peacefully together, and suggested
that the Russians, in order to be
reassured should 'have the right of
regular inspection of the strength
of the
GERMAN ARMED FORCES'.
And on 18th January 1952,
'Der Fortschritt'
based in Essen, declared that the
strategy of German's foreign policy
should be:
'never burn bridges towards the
East; gain time and keep on with
diplomatic negotiations'.
Certainly under the Adenauer
Government, there was extensive
agreement among German policymakers
that, some day, the Germans would
sit down in the Kremlin and come to
agreement on the issue of German
reunification. A.T.H. Tetens
wrote in
'Germany plots with Kremlin'
[Henry Schuman, New York, 1953],
Forty years later, the Americans
thought they had won the 'Cold War
-the Germans having 'sat down in the
Kremlin', as predicted.
