Statement by Capt.
Ramsay from Brixton Prison
to the Speaker and
Members of Parliament concerning his
under Paragraph 18B of
the Defence Regulations.
the particulars alleged as grounds for my
detention are based on charges that my
attitude and activities in opposition to
Communism, Bolshevism, and the policy of
organised Jewry were not genuine, but merely
a camouflage for anti-British designs.
the following memorandum, which could be
greatly expanded, I have given a minimum of
facts, which prove that not only was my
attitude genuine, open, and unvarying during
the whole of my time in the House of
Commons, but that in the course of my
researches I had accumulated numerous and
conclusive facts compelling such an
attitude, and leading logically to the
formation of the Right Club, an essentially
the whole of my time as M.P. (since 1931) I
have kept up an open and unremitting attack
on Bolshevism and its allies. Indeed, I had
already started this opposition long before
I became an M.P.
The following survey
will show this; and also the eventual
formation of the Right Club as the logical
outcome of my work.
This work falls into
the first, dating from soon after the
Russian Revolution till about 1935, I
supposed the powers behind Bolshevism to be
Russian: In the second (1935-38) I
appreciated that they were International: By
the third phase, I realised them to be
was always a mystery to me in Phase I why
Russians spent so much time and money on
revolutionary activities in Britain.
My first active step was
to speak in the election made famous by the
publication in the Daily Mail
of the letter written by Zinoviev alias
Apfelbaum, calling for revolution in
Britain. (I spoke against Bolshevism, and in
the Northwich division.)
On being elected in
1931, I joined the Russian Trade Committee,
which kept a watch on their activities here.
I also joined the Council of the Christian
Protest Movement, founded to protest against
the outrages on priests, nuns, and the
Christian churches committed by the
Bolsheviks. Hansard will show that I asked
many questions during this period, attacking
their activities in this country.
In Phase II, I
recognised the forces behind Bolshevism not
to be Russian, but international.
I tried to picture the
composition of that mysterious body, the
Comintern, over whom, according to the
replies to my Parliamentary questions, the
Soviet Government could exercise no control.
In the latter end of
this phase I had made sufficient progress
with this mental picture of the Comintern,
that I made it the subject of a number of
addresses, which I gave to Rotary Clubs and
other societies in London, Edinburgh, and
elsewhere, entitling them frequently, "Red
Wings Over Europe."
This second phase lasted
well into the Spanish Civil War. Recognising
almost at once the guilt of the Comintern in
the whole affair, down to the International
Brigade, I attacked them continuously by a
stream of questions in the House.
The attitude of the
entire British national Press at first
amazed, and subsequently helped to enlighten
me, as to the real powers behind World
press presented General Franco's enemies as
liberal and Protestant reformers, instead of
the anti-God international revolutionaries
of the Russian Cheka were actually in charge
of the prisons on the Red side. McGovern
established all the main facts in his
pamphlet, Red Terror in Spain.
organised parades of sandwich-men at this
time to expose the Bolshevik guilt in Spain,
assisted a paper called The Free Press,
and did what propaganda I could. Some eighty
or ninety M.P.s subscribed at one time or
another to these efforts.
In September 1937
I accepted the Chairmanship of the United
Christian Front Committee, on behalf of Sir
thousands of letters were sent out over my
signature to leading people in the Kingdom,
appraising them of the true facts of the war
in Spain, and urging Christians of all
communities to join in combating the Godless
Red Terror, that threatened Spain then, and
thereafter all Europe, Britain included.
A number of patriotic
societies now began to co-operate regularly
with me in this work against Bolshevism,
including the National Citizens' Union, the
British Empire League, the Liberty
Restoration League, and the Economic League.
We took to meeting regularly ina Committee
Room of the House of Commons.
In May 1936,
when I set out to oppose the entry into this
country of agents of the Comintern for
attending the so-called Godless Congress, we
were joined by the British Bible Union, the
Order of the Child, and the British Israel
information given me by these societies, I
realized that the previous Godless Congress,
held at Prague, had brought under unified
control all the National Free-Thinker
societies, who were now under the authority
of the Militant Godless of Russia, and were
therefore a subtle and potent weapon for
At our meetings to
co-ordinate opposition, we all agreed that
while it was perhaps the right of British
men and women to hold a Congress on any
subject, this liberty should not be
construed into licence for international
revolutionaries to develop their plans for
the destruction of the religious, social and
public life of our country.
On the 28th June,
therefore, I introduced a Bill entitled the
ALIENS' RESTRICTION (BLASPHEMY) BILL, to
prevent aliens from attending this Congress,
or making it the occasion for the
distribution of their blasphemous
The Bill received a
first reading by 165 votes to 134. In the No
Lobby were Messrs. Rothschild, G.R. Strauss,
T. Levy, A.M. Lyons, Sir F. Harris, D.N.
Pritt, W. Gallacher, Dr. Haden Guest and Dr.
In the autumn of 1938
I was made acquainted with the fact that the
power behind World Revolution was not just a
vague body of internationalists, but
organized World Jewry.
The first document so
convincing me was actually a British
Government White Paper, of whose existence I
had not been previously aware. This quoted
verbatim an extract from a report received
by Mr. Balfour on September 19th, 1918, from
Mr. Oudendyke, the Netherlands Minister in
Petrograd, who was at that time in charge of
British interests there, as follows:
"The danger is now so
great, that I feel it my duty to call
the attention of the British Government
and all other Governments to the fact
that if an end is not put to Bolshevism
at once the civilization of the whole
world will be threatened. This is not an
exaggeration, but a matter of fact . . .
I consider that the
immediate suppression of Bolshevism is
the greatest issue before the world, not
even excluding the war which is still
raging, and unless as above stated
Bolshevism is nipped in the bud
immediately it is bound to spread over
Europe and the whole world in one form
or another, as it is organized and
worked by Jews, who have no nationality
and whose one object it is to destroy
for their own ends the existing order of
The only manner in which
this danger can be averted would be
collective action on the part of all the
Almost as remarkable as
the above quotation was the fact brought to
my notice simultaneously, namely, that this
White Paper had been immediately withdrawn,
and replaced by an abridged edition, from
which these vital passages had been
eliminated. I was shown the two White
papers-the original and the abridged issue,
side by side.
The second document
which came to my notice at this time was the
booklet entitled, The Rulers of Russia,
written by Dr. Dennis Fahey, C.S.S.P., and
bearing the imprimatur of the Archbishop of
Dublin, dated the 26th March, 1938. In the
opening sentence of this pamphlet Dr Fahey
"In this pamphlet I
present to my readers a number of
serious documents which go to show that
the real forces behind Bolshevism are
Jewish forces; and that Bolshevism is
really an instrument in the hands of the
Jews for the establishment of their
future Messianic kingdom."
Dr. Fahey then adduces
an interesting volume of evidence.
page 1 he gives also the following passage
by Mr. Hilaire Belloc, taken from the
latter's Weekly, dated 4th February, 1937:
"As for anyone who does
not know that the present revolutionary
Bolshevist movement in Russia is Jewish,
I can only say that he must be a man who
is taken in by the suppression of our
authorities quoted in the pamphlet include
Dr. Homer, D. Sc., Count Leon de Poncins in
his Contre-Revolution, and
evidence given on 12th February, 1919,
before a Committee of the United States
Senate by the Rev. George A. Simons,
Superintendent of the Methodist Episcopal
Church in Petrograd from 1907 to October 6th
The Rev. Mr. Simons
stated on this occasion with regard to the
Bolshevik Government in Petrograd:
"In December 1918 . . .
under the Presidency of a man known as
Apfelbaum (Zinoviev) . . . out of 388
members, only 16 happened to be real
Russians, and all the rest (with the
exception of one man, who is a Negro
from North America) were Jews . . . and
265 of these Jews belonging to this
Northern Commune Government that is
sitting in the old Smolny Institute come
from the Lower East Side of New York --
265 of them."
page 8 Dr Fahey quotes figures showing that
in the year 1936:
"The Central Committee of
the Communist Party in Moscow, the very
centre of International Communism,
consisted of 59 members, of whom 56 were
Jews, and the other three were married
to Jewesses . . . "
"Stalin, present ruler of
Russia, is not a Jew, but he took as his
second wife the twenty-one year old
sister of the Jew L.M. Kaganovitch, his
right-hand man, who has been spoken of
as his probable or possible successor.
Stalin's every movement is made under
addition to these documents there now
reached me a quantity of evidence concerning
Jewish activities in Great Britain in the
shape of subversive organizations of every
description, anti-religious, anti-moral,
revolutionary, and those working to
establish the Jewish system of financial and
Thus I became finally
convinced of the fact that the Russian and
Spanish revolutions, and the subversive
societies in Britain, were part and parcel
of the one and the same Plan, secretly
operated and controlled by World Jewry,
exactly on the lines laid down in the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion, filed in
the British Museum in 1906 (which had been
reproduced soon after the last war by The
Morning Post, and from which this
newspaper never recovered).
These Protocols are no
forgery, and I and others could supply
evidence to that effect that would convince
any impartial Tribunal.
At the next meeting of
the patriotic and Christian societies, I
felt in duty bound to broach the Jewish
question; and realized, very soon, that
there had come a parting of the ways. With
very few exceptions our co-operation ceased.
realized that if anything was to be done,
some special group would have to be formed
which, while retaining the essential
characteristics of the former one, would
take up the task of opposing and exposing
the Jewish menace. It was then that the idea
of the Right Club originated, though the
actual formation did not actually come about
till some months later, in May 1939.
the autumn of 1938 onwards, I spent many
hours a week talking to back-benchers and
members of the Government alike on these
The very magnitude of
the issues involved put many off. One
particular rejoinder typifies in my
recollection this sort of attitude:
"Well, that is all very
disturbing, awful, in fact: but what is
one to do about it? I shall go off now
and try and forget all about it as soon
the end of 1938, news was brought to
me that the control shares of the
Daily Mail were for sale.
that a severe advertisement boycott had been
put in operation against the paper following
upon its having printed two or three
articles giving what in Internationalist
eyes had been a pro-Franco view of the
Spanish War (in reality, the truth), the
news was no great surprise to me.
Could I find a buyer? I
decided to approach a certain very wealthy
and patriotic peer, the head of a great
business. A mutual friend arranged an
introduction I gave a survey of the
activities and power of Organized Jewry in
general, and of their secret publicity
control in Britain in particular, as I saw
it. When I ended after some 70 minutes,
general concurrence in my views was
Thereupon the mutual
friend and I tried to persuade our hearer to
buy the said shares and "tear the gag off
the conspiracy of silence." He replied:
"I daren't. They would
bring me to a crust of bread. If it was
only myself, I wouldn't mind; I'd fight
them. But many of my shares are held by
the widow and the orphan, and for their
sakes I must refuse."
our expressing astonishment that Jewry could
inflict such crushing retaliation on a man
of his financial strength and industrial
power, and so conspicuous a national figure,
he gave us details of just such retaliation
directed against him by Organized Jewry some
He had refused to comply
with some demands they had made of him
affecting his works.
After a final warning, which he ignored, a
world boycott had been started against him,
which had become effective in 24 hours,
wherever he had agents or offices. Fires and
strikes also mysteriously occurred. The
resulting losses had finally compelled him
to give in.
24 hours the boycott was lifted all over the
The consistent mis-reporting
of important features in the Spanish Civil
War had deeply impressed many M.P.s. They
felt that a bias so extreme, so universal,
and so consistent, always against Franco,
indicated the existence of some deliberate
plan, and though unwilling to agree my
thesis, that the Jews were operating this
control by various means, and that the whole
affair was part of their World Plan,
nevertheless many felt that something was
very wrong somewhere.
the course of these conversations I obtained
the support of Members of all parties to the
Bill I was preparing in this connection.
On December 13th,
1938, I introduced the Bill entitled
COMPANIES ACT AMENDMENT BILL, which made it
compulsory for shares in Newspapers and News
Agencies to be held in the actual names of
the holders, instead of the names of
nominees as is done now in the majority of
The Bill received a
First Reading by 151 votes to 104. In the
Aye Lobby were Members of all parties,
including 13 Right Hon. Gentlemen 98 of
the No Lobby were messrs. Rothschild,
Schuster, Shinwell, Cazalet, Gallacher, Sir
A. Sinclair, Gluckstein, and Mr. Samuel
Storey opposed, also blocked the Bill; and
seemed suitable for that role.
I now took the decision
to proceed at once with the formation of a
group similar in character to the group of
representatives of Christian and patriotic
societies, which I had worked with up to the
emergence of the Jewish problem; but this
time a group which would place opposition to
that menace in the forefront of its
Mr. Cross was the
Secretary, and the late duke of Wellington,
President of the Liberty Restoration League,
was the Chairman at most of the few meetings
we held. The first object of the Right Club
was to enlighten the Tory Party and clear it
from any Jewish control.
Organized Jewry was now
clearly out for World War. The failure of
their International Brigade in Spain, and
the growing exposure of themselves, and the
consequent risk of total collapse of their
plan rendered immediate war from their point
of view imperative.
July 1939 I had an interview with the
Prime Minister. I dealt with the Russian
Revolution, and the part Jewry had played in
it; and with the Spanish Revolution,
prepared and carried out on similar lines by
much the same people; with the subversive
societies in Britain, and the Press and news
control existing in this country.
I finally drew the Prime
Minister's attention to the underground work
that was going on with the object of
overthrowing his peace policy and himself,
and precipitating the war.
considered that charges of so grave and
far-reaching a character would require very
substantial documentary proof. I decided to
collect documentary proof which would make
it possible for action to be taken.
outbreak of war enabled the Jews to give
their activities the cloak of patriotism.
Their press power enabled them to portray
those opposing their designs and exposing
them as pro-Nazi, and disloyal to Britain.
difficulty I was faced with was that while I
was in duty bound to warn the country
against the consequences of a policy
influenced by Organized Jewry and opposed to
British interests, I, at the same time, did
not want to create difficulties for Mr.
It was decided
therefore, that the Right Club should close
down for the duration. The spirit of the
Club naturally led the younger members to
join the Services, wherein they have served
with distinction on most fronts. It was in
keeping with the same spirit that others not
so engaged, should continue to fight the
internal enemy, no less formidable than the
Axis Powers and in a way more dangerous,
owing to his secret methods and the fact
that he can work from within as well as from
To this end, therefore,
I and others in an individual capacity
disseminated on occasion some leaflets of
mine called Do You Know? and Have You
Noticed?; my verses beginning "Land of dope
and Jewry", and some anti-Jewish stickers.
This was with the idea of educating the
public sufficiently to maintain the
atmosphere in which the "phoney" war, as it
was called, might be converted into an
honourable negotiated peace.
It was certainly not
defeatist, as Jewish propaganda tried to
make out. It was not we of the Right Club
who were holding back from the fighting
Services in this war, any more than in that
last; quite the contrary.
I was determined to make
further efforts to convince Mr. Chamberlain,
and even perhaps the 1922 Committee, of the
truth of my case, and thus avert total war,
and commenced reinforcing the documentary
evidence already in my possession.
By January 1940,
I had details of nearly thirty subversive
societies working on various revolutionary
and corrosive lines, and had completed a
very large chart, showing the principal
members of each.
names stood out clearly, as a sort of
interlocking directorate. They were Prof. H.
Laski, Mr. Israel Moses Sieff, Prof. Herman
Levy, Mr. Victor Gollancz, Mr. D.N. Pritt,
M.P., and Mr. G.R. Strauss, M.P.
In February 1940, on my
arrival in London, I was handed the
literature of a new group, who were
advocating FEDERAL UNION. The list of
supporters' names was startling. It might
have been copied from the chart I had just
completed. There could be no mistake as to
the source of this scheme. Later, when this
group became active, I put down the
asked the Prime Minister whether he
could assure the House that the creation
of a Federal Union of the European
States is not one of the war aims of
(on May 9th) gave a non-committal reply.
To this I asked the following
Ramsey: Is my
right Hon. Friend aware that this plan,
if adopted, will arouse hostility
against us in almost the whole of
Europe, who look upon it as the setting
up of a Judeo-Masonic super-State?
(Note -- The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion make it
clear that World Jewry and Orient
Masonry will set up just such a regime
after the Gentile States have been
reduced by War and Revolutions to hewers
of wood and drawers of water.)
would rather leave my Hon. Friend's
interpretation of this plan to him.
A virulent Press
campaign was now in full swing to suppress
"Anti-Semitic" views and activities by
declaring that "Anti-Semitism" was pro-Nazi.
Fearing less the Home Secretary might be
inclined into this direction, which was a
false direction, I asked him on May 9th,
Whether he will give an assurance that
care will be taken, both in the
administration of the present
regulations, and in framing revised
ones, that a distinction is made between
anti-Semitism and pro-Nazism?
Sir J. Anderson:
I hope that any restrictive measures
applied to organized propaganda may in
practice be confined to such propaganda
as is calculated to impede the war
effort; and from that point of view I
cannot recognize as relevant the
distinction which My. Hon. and Gallant
Friend seeks to draw.
while think my Right Hon. Friend for his
reply, in view of the fact that he seems
somewhat confused on this point, will he
assure the House that he refuses to be
stampeded into identifying the two
things by a ramp in our Jew-ridden
Sir J. Anderson:
There is no question of my being
stampeded into anything.
It was in the last weeks
of Mr. Chamberlain's Premiership that I was
enabled to look through some of the U.S.
Embassy papers at Mr. Kent's flat. This then
was the position, and these were the
considerations which led me to inspect them.
1 -- Together with many
members of both Houses of Parliament, I was
fully aware that among the agencies here and
abroad, which had been actively engaged in
promoting bad feeling between Great Britain
and Germany, Organized Jewry, for obvious
reasons, had played a leading part.
knew the U.S.A. to be the headquarters of
Jewry, and therefore the real, though not
apparent, centre of their activity.
3 -- I was aware that Federal
Union was the complement in international
affairs of the scheme of Political and
Economic Planning (P.E.P.). The Chairman of
P.E.P. is Mr. Israel Moses Sieff, who is
also Vice-Chairman of the Zionist Federation
and Grand Commander of the Order of
Maccabeans) designed to bring about
Bolshevism by stealth in the sphere of
industry and commerce, and that it must be
regarded as the Super-State, which is one of
the principal objectives of International
4 -- I recognized that plans
for establishing Marxist Socialism under
Jewish control in this country were far
advanced. As to their intentions, there
could be no doubt.
5 -- I knew that the
technique of International Jewry is always
to plan the overthrow at critical junctures
of any national leader who seriously opposes
some essential part of their designs, as for
instance Mr. Chamberlain had done by
adhering to his policy of pacification, and
that in this case Mr. Chamberlain's fall
would precipitate total war. I remembered
that Mr. Lloyd George had said in the House
of Commons, that if we were let in for a war
over Poland without the help of Russia, we
should be walking into a trap. We walked
into that trap.
Further information as
to its origin, design, and ultimate
objective, would have strengthened Mr.
Chamberlain's hand, and would have enabled
him to take the appropriate
As a Member of
Parliament, still loyal to Mr. Chamberlain,
I considered it my duty to investigate.
About the 9th or 10th of
May I went to Scotland for a fortnight's
rest, having seen only a part of the
documents, and intending to resume my
investigations on my return.
Before I could conclude
them, however, Mr. Chamberlain had fallen
from office, and I was arrested a few days
later on the steps of my house, when I
returned to London on the 23rd May, 1940.
I am appending the
Particulars, alleged as Reasons for my
detention, and my comments thereon.
August 23rd, 1943